Why Did The Soviet Union Collapse?

Why Did The Soviet Union Collapse? More than two decades have passed since the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics disappeared from the world political stage. Starting with 1985, the internal situation of the Soviet Union, as well as its international status, began to experience breathtakingly fast and radical change, which eventually led to its collapse in 1991, event probably commemorated today only by Vladimir Putin, who describes it as the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century (annual state-of-the-nation address to Parliament,  Moscow, April the 29th, 2005, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty). The are many controversial debates about the actual reasons that caused the collapse of the vast Soviet Empire, but one thing is certain: they cannot be reduced to one single factor, as for an historical event of such calibre to happen, it took the interaction of many factors, producing a set of circumstances that made the change urgent and inevitable. In the following essay, I shall present and argue the main fact ors that contributed to and can be described as reasons for the end of the Soviet Union. To begin with, we are talking about a disintegration process with different origins and extremely intense dynamics. The systemic involution had actually begun in February 1956, when Nikita Khrushchev struck the deadly blow against the myth of Stalins inerrability (February 25, 1956: Khrushchevs Secret Speech, denouncing Stalins abuses). It was followed by other disillusions, which would undermine the myths of the irreversibility and invincibility of the communist order. The economic problems of the USSR were asking for desperate measures, the society was becoming more and more corrupt, harsh, and inefficient, the sole existence of the USSR as a union was starting to be questioned. After the removal of Khrushchev from power in 1964, Leonid Brezhnev was appointed his successor. The economic crisis that engulfed the Soviet Union and the majority of the socialist states in the 1970s spread to the following decade. The reform surrogates consecutively introduced by the communist leaders failed to optimize the economy and release tension in social relations. The soviet socialism model proved to be completely inadequate, considering that the world was about to enter as Jeremy Rifkin calls it the third industrial revolution. Yuri Andropov (1982-1984) appeared to be trying to put into practice a reform policy, but was confronted by the inflexibility of the superior political structures and resistance from the bureaucratic system installed by Brezhnev. But shortly after the death of Konstantin Cernenko, on March the 11th 1985, in Moscow, a new leader emerged, animated by reforming ideas, under the aegis of Mikhail Gorbachev. The Soviet Union was confronting grave issues at the time Gorbachev took over, and they were all exacerbated by the immense quantum of military expenditures. The new General Secretary was quite cautious at the beginning, apparently proving to be consequent to his predecessors, but he then rapidly proceeded to consolidating his power, replacing, in a few weeks time, much of the governing team, and casting away his main rivals. This was meant to pave the way to Gorbachevs reforms. It started with the Central Committee plenum of the CPSU in April 1985, where Gorbachev brought forward the principles of the policy he intended to put into practice in the Soviet Union, in an attempt to save the communist system by implementing a slow liberalizing process that would lead to the abolition of the systems most heinous features, without destroying its ideological fundaments. That policy bears the name of perestroika, or restructuring. In his vision, the soviet system had deviated from the Leninist theory, and needed a reorganization based on reforming the political and economic systems, and improving the system of social relations, above all economic (Kommunist, no. 5, 1985, as cited in Sakwa, R., 1999, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union, London and New York: Routledge, p.424). The main goal of perestroika was to demolish the consequences of the Brezhnev era (famously described as an era of economic stagnation), so Gorbachev decided to adopt a strategy of rapid accel eration (uskorenie) in the rate of growth, confident of the command economys potential to deliver it (Acton, E. and Stableford T., 2007, The Soviet Union: A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, vol. 2: 1939-1991, Exter: University of Exter Press, p. 384). Applying this concept relied entirely on the support of the society, but conscious of the obstacles standing in his way, the soviet leader took a set of measures in order to stop the nomenclature who would have wanted to prevent these reforms from happening. A general view of this vision could be summarized in this extract from Gorbachev, M. S., 1987, PERESTROIKA: New Thinking for Our Country and the World, London: Collins, p. 66: I am pleased that theres a growing understanding, both within the Party and in the society as a whole, that we have started an unprecedented political, economic, social and ideological endeavour. If we are to implement everything we have planned, we must also carry out unprecedented political, economic, social and ideological work in both the internal and external spheres. Above all, we bear an unprecedented responsibility. And we are aware of the need for large-scale and bold efforts, especially at the first stage. In any case, the contradictions and limits of perestroika prevented the political system from being reformed. Therefore, there was a radical difference between what the initiator of the reforms wanted and what the final result was. Another important component of the reforming policy Gorbachev was introduced in 1986, and is called glasnost (openness), which meant gradually abolishing censorship, introducing political transparency and freedom of the media, which was a gate to elucidating the problems that were blocked, or remained unsolved for decades. The freedom a person had to publicly express a point of view which, not many years ago, would have had him deported in gulags (or even sentenced to death, in Stalins time), became an ordinary right thanks to glasnost. Soviet newspapers could criticize the government policy, the CPSU, and even Gorbachev himself. Yet remarkable were the results of perestroika in the external relations. He was convinced that this program could not be fulfilled unless the countrys international relations radically changed. Indeed, the USSR started redrawing its essential external policy. Together with his External Affairs Minister, Eduard Shevardnadze, Gorbachev managed to practically revolutionize the soviet external policy, enjoying great sympathy around the world. He introduced a new political thinking, based on a few components: external policy no longer needed to be reasoned and led through the ideological factor; the conflict between the 2 superpowers, USSR and USA, was non-productive, and military power did not automatically guarantee national security; the soviet state needed to revise its external objectives. Signing an agreement with China on the issue of the oriental borderline, his propositions to limit nuclear and conventional armaments, and drawing off his troops in Afghanistan, made Gorbachev loo k like a man who was promising peace. Furthermore, at the European Council in Strasbourg, he admitted that there is no such thing as an unchangeable social system, and suggested that such transformations could occur in Eastern Europe. This signal was also received in Eastern European states, not only in the West. His declaration was widely interpreted as a green light to the reformers in Eastern Europe, in their efforts to implement a democratic system and a market economy, but especially, it dispelled the fear of the intervention of the Big Brother (the name Hà ©là ¨ne Carrà ¨re dEncausse gives to the Soviet Union) to end the reforms. Another important step in the democratization of the USSR was made in 1989, with the election of a new Soviet Parliament, the Congress of Peoples Deputies. These were not free elections like the ones in the West, taking into consideration that 90% of the candidates were members of the CPSU and other political parties were strictly forbidden. But these elections offered the people the possibility to choose their candidates, and the vote counting had been correctly done. It was definitely the closest thing to democratic elections since 1917. Yet despite the radical reforms adopted in the USSR, no one anticipated the fundamental changes that were about to happen in Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991. Poland was the first country in Eastern Europe where Gorbachevs perestroika and glasnost turned into an anticommunist revolution. The non-violent Polish break-up with a totalitarian regime was made possible by the existence of both governing and opposition elites, who understood the necessity of such a compromise. The final closure of the communist era in postwar Poland was done in December 1990, with the election of Lech Walesa as president. The Polish events in 1988-1989 had a substantial impact on the entire region. Hopes were reborn in Hungary, as in the spring of 1990, elections were held and won by the Democratic Forum, which led to overthrowing the communist power through the will of the people. In Czechoslovakia, the collapse of the communist regime was done by what the historians and public opinion know as The Velvet Revolution. Active opposition became visible since early 1989, when demonstrations were held throughout the country, and just as expected, democratic forces would take over later that year. The regime collapse in East Germany came as a natural consequence of the events rapidly taking place in the soviet bloc. In late October and early November 1989, hundreds of thousands of protesters went out on the streets of East German cities, demanding their rights. On November the 9th, the Berlin Wall, the main symbol of both German separation and the Cold War, was demolished. In Bulgaria, in December 1989, the communist leader T. Jivkov was arrested and the Communist Party changed its name into the Bulgarian Socialist Party, as a symbolic break-up from the Leninist dogmas. In Romania, unlike other countries in the soviet bloc, communism was overthrown through a violent, open fight. The lack of real opposition within the Communist Party made a peaceful transition impossible. The revolution first started in a city in Western Romania, and was first repressed by the secret police. But a second revolutionary wave broke out on December the 20th, which eventually spread out across the country, breaking the psychological barrier. First encountering militia and army resistance, the huge crowds managed to take over, forcing the Ceausescu dictatorial couple to flee. The communist dictator and his wife were captured, an improvised Court charged them with genocide and impairment of national economy, and the two were finally executed on the Christmas Day in 1989. 1990 was the year in which increasing social convulsion started to lead towards questioning perestroika, as an effect of the resurgence of national consciousness in all the Soviet Republics and satellite states, a factor which Gorbachev had not predicted in his plan to redress the Soviet Union. Interethnic confrontations arose in all the Soviet Republics, and national conflicts were threatening the cohesion of the USSR. Lithuania proclaimed its independence in March 1990. It was shortly followed by Estonia, Latvia, Georgia and Armenia. Other Republics proclaimed themselves sovereign: The Russian Federation, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Moldova, Byelorussia, and Ukraine. The laws of the USSR were no longer obeyed, and the leaders of the republics were demanding that the recruits should no longer be incorporated in the Soviet Army. Aware of the danger, Gorbachev proposed, in February 1990, a new treaty that was to establish a confederation, in order to avoid secession. The Congress of Peoples Deputies approved the project for a referendum on keeping the Union. The instauration of a new presidential power weighed significantly in the rapid evolution of the national problem. However, on August the 19th 1991, in Moscow, a group of conservative members of the Politburo who were against the reformation processes, launched what is known today as The August Coup, with the intention of removing Gorbachev from power, but eventually failed. The coup strengthened Boris Yeltsins position as elected President of the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic) and leader of the democratic forces, and weakened Gorbachevs position. Finally, Gorbachevs desperate endeavors to transform the Soviet Union into the Union of Sovereign States, to organize new elections, to rescue his power, ended in failure. The Republics proclaimed their independence after August 1991. On December the 8th 1991, near Minsk, the Presidents of RSFSR, Ukraine and Byelorussia signed an agreement dissolving the Soviet Union and forming the Commonwealth of Independent States. In these given conditions, on December the 25th 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev would resign from the position of president of a state that no longer existed. The Soviet Union officially ceased to exist starting with December the 31st 1991, 69 years after its establishment. All in all, my view is that the economic backwardness of the USSR, the failure to effectively implement reforms (reforms which, paradoxically, led to its destruction), the loss of the arms race, and not least, nationalism, formed the main factors that determined the collapse of the Soviet Union. The dismantling of the Empire can be interpreted as an unhappy implosion, deriving from profound internal causes, from the inability of communism to build a viable economy. And the germs of the implosion had laid right in the theses of Gorbachevs brilliant by some, a non-sense by others perestroika, in his political actions, as the leader himself is the one who drove the first nails into the coffin, when he demanded the abrogation of article six of the USSR Constitution, which guaranteed the CPSUs supremacy. Gorbachev tried this way to transfer the political power to the Soviets, angering the elder conservative activists. Also, 1989 was the year that practically switched on the genetic immu ne system of captive nations. The long-dispraised nationalism was the explosive that dashed the Empire of proletarian internationalism to the ground. And yet, the revolution did not fail, considering that we cannot talk about a revolution that is totally triumphant. All the founding myths of that system based on the quasi-religious cult of the single party were shaken, and finally collapsed.

Is Balochistan the New Bangladesh?

THESIS STATEMENT: Despite the similar unfair treatment towards Balochistan, like Bangladesh; Balochistan is not the same situation as Bangladesh. Ever since Pakistan came into being it has faced numerous challenges, some of which have been crucial to overcome in light of its handicapped economy, and lack of a headstrong goverment. A very crucial point along these years has been the loss of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, which revolted against the government of Pakistan due to unfair treatment of their people and gained independence for themselves with the help of the Indian Army, when matters were beyond bad.The case in discussion here is the recent turmoil in Balochistan; their lack of autonomy, lack of security, and extraction of resources. Does that make Balochistan the next Bangladesh? According to the following analysis, not so much. Social Similarities: The cry for independence in East Pakistan that led to the formation of Bangladesh started from the language riots. When East P akistan, which made up 60 percent of Pakistan’s population, was denied their right to Bengali being the national language; they became infuriated since most people there couldn’t speak Urdu or English very well.This need for their language brought about the start of the Bengali nationalism. The angry Bengalis of East Pakistan started rioting massively, fighting for their language; hence uniting the youth and the students towards one cause and starting the Bengali Nationalist Movement. The nationalism in Bengalis and their protests towards the wrong being done to them in other ways such as politically and economically brought about their first cry for independence.Similarly in Balochistan, the exploitation of their people, the atrocities done to them, and unfair conditions has led to the Balochistan Nationalist Movements. Organizations like BLA (Balochistan Liberation Army), BRA (Balochistan Republican Army), and BLF (Balochistan Liberation Fund) are all working towards supporting Baloch nationalism and fighting for their rights. Even though the cause of this nationalism in Balochistan does not have much to do with language, the fact that this nationalism has evolved and is now pressing the Balochis towards wanting independence, is a striking similarity etween Balochistan and Bangladesh. It can be said that this nationalism is what is driving both Balochis and Bengalis towards the larger picture of wanting independence. Differences: Even though socially Bangladesh and Balochistan are similar with their nationalism standing high and above, there are a lot of social differences that keep them apart from falling under the same situation. In Bangladesh, the Bengalis were a lot more united as a whole.Since the beginning Bengalis never wanted to be divided, but when they were done so against their will and then given to a federation that didn’t allow its language, agitation had built up amongst the Bengalis. This nationalism amongst them was very uniting, and helped them in the later years when they faced other unfair conditions politically and economically. So the fact that their leader Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman and their different Nationalist movements led by the students were very united in their goals made their nationalism even stronger.It can be said that those leading the protests in Bangladesh wanted the goodwill of all the Bengalis and wanted their voice heard. However, in Balochistan that unity is seen missing. Historically, Balochistan was a large land mass which had different tribes living together, divided into borders, each on their own. Balochistan as a primordial ethnicity never existed. The Mughals had first set up Kaalat, with a king/emperor given the title of ‘Khan’. Slowly, five different states were set up in Balochistan, each with their own leader.Later on when Pakistan came into being, these 5 states were still pretty much separate without a larger name of a geo political entity. The name Ba lochistan was given to these tribes’ years after they had been a part of Pakistan, in 1971 when Balochistan was made a province. Slowly and gradually the political issues started tearing the Balochis into protesting for their rights. Since the tribes had been divided and appointed Sardars/chiefs to rule them, these Sardars started manipulating their own Balochi people into getting the government to fulfill their demands.Hence the Sardars would light up a fire, the people would start riots and the Government of Pakistan would pay them to calm them down. This continued until the Balochis backfired on their own Sardars and kicked them out of Balochistan. In light of this, it can be said that Balochistan isn’t very united in its cry for independence/autonomy. The different organizations working for the Balochistan Nationalist Movement don’t work together, since they come from different families and have different agendas of their own.The Balochis were led down by th eir own Sardars who should have been holding them together and protecting them, but instead they were not willing to put aside their own agendas, goals and conflicts; this made the different Sardars stand against one another and not come together to stand for a larger cause for their people. Hence Balochistan is way different from Bangladesh in the sense that it lacks Bangladesh’s unity and strength that came from their union in Nationalism. Economical Similarities: Balochistan and Bangladesh both present one similarity, which is economical neglect from the rest of Pakistan.When Bangladesh was East Pakistan, it formed 60% of Pakistan’s population; however, resources were put more towards the establishment of West Pakistan, as compared to East Pakistan. Hence, East Pakistan was always economically ignored and not given higher weightage in line of the fact that they formed a larger portion of Pakistan. Resources were taken from East Pakistan and put to the betterment of West Pakistan; later in the years Ayub Khan’s industrialization plan, which was the golden age of Pakistani Capitalism, also involved setting up industries in West Pakistan, instead of East Pakistan.In the very same manner, Balochistan is also being economically neglected. Even though Balochistan is a desert and is largely barren, that does not mean that it lacks its fair share of natural resources. The land of Balochistan contains natural resources like Sui Gas and Rico Diq, which are worth hundreds of billions of dollars making it one of the world’s potentially richest regions. Yet, the people of Balochistan live in poverty, deprived of clean drinking water, education, and the natural gas that their own land pumps to the rest of Pakistan.This makes it a similar target of extraction of resources and lack of constructive attention, just like Bangladesh was. Geo Strategic Differences: Even though similar in the unfair treatment they received economically, Both Banglades h and Balochistan are different from one another from a geo strategic point of view. Talking about Balochistan, it is the largest land mass of Pakistan, is full of natural resources like oil, gas, coal, gold and many other precious materials and minerals, which are largely valuable to Pakistan.It plays a very important role on the foreign affairs of Pakistan by sharing borders with Iran, and Afghanistan. Protected by the surrounding Arabian Sea as well as mountainous ranges, Balochistan is connected to CARs through the Chaman Pass. Countries like China take interest in developing the Gawadar port in Balochistan; whereas the US also has immense interest in Balochistan’s large land mass; hence its unique geo strategic position is very important for Pakistan.Bangladesh on the other hand was never much important for Pakistan from a geo strategic point of view. Since East Pakistan was thousands of miles away from West Pakistan, with a large mass of enemy territory in between; Bang ladesh never held any geo strategic importance. Moreover, Bangladesh didn’t have the billions of dollars worth of resources, neither did it have any importance to the US which further decreased its geographical importance for Pakistan. The US never held any interest in East Pakistan, since they didn’t sign SEATO, which was a strategic treaty.The geographical importance of Balochistan makes it a lot more valuable for Pakistan, also since if Pakistan loses Balochistan, it basically losses its majority land area, as well as disrupts relations with its connecting countries. However, Bangladesh didn’t hold any such importance and it was always an understood fact that losing Bangladesh would be a lot easier, if ever there was an enemy attack. Political Similarities: Bangladesh was a victim of political instability from Pakistan’s end since the very beginning.The reason Bangladesh and Balochistan want away from Pakistan is the unfair treatment they have received . This unfair treatment varies greatly between the two, but brings them under the same light in the manner that it is highly uncalled for. Bangladesh was always denied its fair share of representation as East Pakistan, similarly Balochistan isn’t given any autonomous power to control its own province; the provincial government in Balochistan has been made highly handicapped with the little power it is granted. Differences:Politically, both Bangladesh and Balochistan fall under unfair treatment; however, the political situations in both areas are very different. When Bangladesh was still East Pakistan, the largest political problem it faced was the fact that it wasn’t granted the political representation in the government that it rightfully deserved, seeing that it was the majority area of Pakistan. From the day Pakistan was formed, till the years that followed, it was obvious that with the government being based in West Pakistan, The majority would be controlled by the minority. In his article Bangladesh: why it happened?G. W. Choudhary writes, â€Å"Pakistan began its political career under a parliamentary system modeled on Westminster and under a federal constitution. But neither the parliamentary system nor the federation was genuine. The constitutional forms and trappings of democracy only provided a cloak for rule by the few who were able to concentrate power in their own hands. During eleven years (1947-58) of so called parliamentary democracy, there was not a single general election, and the provincial elections were described and ‘a farce, mockery and a fraud upon the electorate’. In light of this it can further be explained how East Pakistan never received its fair share of representation in the government. Moreover, there were denied their rightful power when their political party, Awami League won the elections in 1970-71. From the years that followed from 1947, when Pakistan was formed, till 1971, when Bangladesh was for med; East Pakistan was never given its fair share, neither in the army, nor in the government.Hence they were always politically weak despite the fact that there was immense unity amongst their own organizations and political parties, working for the Bengalis. It must be noted that East Pakistan was always politically united amongst its own people; as in there weren’t sub divided feuds amongst the Bengalis that kept them politically at par with each other. In Balochistan this unity was missing. Since Balochistan had never been a single, united political entity; the Sardars were divided in their ambitions and had a tone of feuds amongst themselves.These caused the biggest political weakness of Balochistan. Even though just like Bangladesh, Balochistan never got the representation in army, or government that it asked for; what differentiates the two is the fact that Balochistan fell victim to its own internal feuds. In his article Balochistan is no Bangladesh, Sushant Sareen de scribes this as, â€Å"The trouble is that while many of the tribal Sardars, in their hearts ight be supportive of the Baloch cause, or are being forced by public sentiment as well as the circumstances on the ground to pay lip-service to the aspirations of the Baloch people (for example, Akhtar Mengal insisting on a dialogue with the Pakistani authorities under the aegis of the UN), they are not willing to put aside their personal egos in the service of Baloch nationalism. Their personal ambitions, feuds, rivalries, a desire to be one-up on their fellow Sardars makes it impossible for all of them to come together for the larger cause of their people. † Hence their leadership issues form a major political drawback for Balochistan.Another major political issue that separates Balochistan from being the next Bangladesh is the high importance of anarchy in Balochistan. Even though the legal constitution doesn’t allow for there to be a Jirga system that prevails in Balochist an; but since the judiciary is weak and Balochis don’t trust it, they turn to the Jirga system. Since the Pakistan government never did anything substantial to stop this Jirga system, it has deep rooted itself amongst Balochistan, turning it into anarchy in the name of democracy. This has given way to the Balochistan game.Different countries have come and started to set up their roots in Balochistan trying to take it over. MILITARY Similarities: On 25th March, 1971, Operation Searchlight was started; where six brigades of Pak Army moved into East Pakistan and arrested workers; people of East Pakistan were sexually assaulted by the army and were left crippling while their governor Sheikh Mujeed Ur Rehman was arrested. East Pakistan suffered sexual, physical, and psychological torture at the hands of their country’s army. Similarly, people in Balochistan have suffered and are still suffering at the hands of the Pakistan army.Missing people cases are on the high, bodies a re found lying around after days of waiting and the torture just doesn’t seem to stop. This forms part of the major problems of Balochistan, which is not enough security. Even though this similarity of torture at the hands of the army remains, there's no denying the fact that its intensity in Balochistan is far greater than that in Bangladesh. In light of all the above mentioned similarities and differences, a conclusion can be reached about whether or not Balochistan is going to be the next Bangladesh.Despite the fact that the similarities remain, making it look like the same way nationalism and nationalist movememnts were a start towards the larger independence of Bangladesh, Balochistan remains a different situation. It’s safe to say that Balochistan is no Bangladesh. That statement lies on the fact that the problem of Balochistan is beyond that of unfair treatment by the government. Balochistan faces what is a severe case of lack of unity, unlike Bangladesh which w as always a lot more united in its attempt to gain independence.Balochistan is a case of crippled inner politics, encouraged by the Pakistani government that further weakens it towards not being able to gain anything substantial. BIBLIOGRAPHY: * http://www. chowrangi. com/why-balochistan-is-burning. html * http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/History_of_Bangladesh#Creation_of_Pakistan * http://www. jstor. org/discover/10. 2307/2613440? uid=2129;uid=2;uid=70;uid=4;sid=21101363476631 * http://www. thedailystar. net/forum/2011/December/on. htm * http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Bengali_Language_Movement http://bangladeshwatchdog. blogspot. com/2012/02/bangladesh-and-now-balochistan. html * http://idsa. in/idsacomments/BalochistanisnoBangladesh_ssareen_190110 * http://www. defence. pk/forums/strategic-geopolitical-issues/165565-balochistan-pakistan-s-second-bangladesh. html * http://blogs. thenews. com. pk/blogs/2012/02/saving-balochistan/ * http://www. nation. com. pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-d aily-english-online/columns/03-Oct-2012/the-balochistan-plan * http://www. bangladeshfirst. com/docdetails. php? cid=9;docid=1

Impact of Industrial Revolution on International Trade Essay

Prior to unfolding of the events in the 18th century the interlinkages of increasingly global world, stirred agrarian and rural societys. In particular, the families had begun to produce surplus and buying new commodities, which were hitherto, considered luxuries. This era of industrious revolution laid the foundation for the industrial revolution. The trade in this time to Europe was mainly spices from India, silk and porcelain from China and inspite of silver flowing in from Americas kept the balance in favour of the East. The capital and labour requirements were not intensive and the mercantile activities were primarily housed in the guilds. This essay attempts to understand how the industrial revolution impacted the commerce The†¦show more content†¦The earliest factories in England came up by the 1730s and, with the technology enabled production processes like carding, twisting, spinning and rolling became faster and easier consequentially, between 1760 and 1787 raw cotton imports to British cotton industry rose from 2.5 million pounds to 22 million pounds. On the contrary, the traditional market of cotton cloth from India witnessed a steady decline from 30 per cent around 1800 to 15 per cent by 1815 and to 3 percent in 1870s. While exports of cloth declined rapidly, export of raw materials increased equally fast. Between 1812 and 1871, the share of raw cotton exports rose from 5 per cent to 35 per cent. This was not something triggered by the industrial revolution but the protectionist measures of the British t which imposed tariffs on cloth imports. The creation of cotton mill by Richard Arkwright brought processes under one roof and management, allowing better supervision, quality control, and the regulation of labour. Thus not only the trade the way business of production was handled also underwent a quantum change. After 1840s, the exports of iron and steel industry from Britain increased exponentially, with the expansion of railways, in England from the 1840s and in the colonies from the 1860s. By 1873 Britain was exporting iron and steel worth about  £ 77 million, double the value of its cotton export. However, this should be noted that industrialisation did not replace the traditional trade, even at theShow MoreRelatedEcon 515 Essay765 Words   |  4 PagesZulu? Were they able to successfully settle the interior? Why or why not? 3. List 3 positive impacts on standards of living due to industrialization. List 3 negative consequences of industrialization. Did British Standards of Living rise 1800-1850? Why or Why not? 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The Industrial Revolution, which came to the

unit 7 test wages 1 - 705 Words

1. Clarissa is considering two job offers. One has an annual salary of $61.1K and the other has an annual salary of $63.4K. What is the difference in the weekly pay for these two jobs? 63,400-61100=2,300 2. Mr. Leonard took a job through an employment agency. The job pays $88K per year. He must pay a fee to the employment agency of 22% of his first four weeks’ pay. How much money must Mr. Leonard pay the agency, to the nearest cent? 88,000/12=7,333.3 12*.22=2.64 3. Mr. Varello is paid semimonthly. His annual salary is $64,333. What is his semimonthly salary, rounded to the nearest cent?†¦show more content†¦Last year, he sold $1,015,092 worth of computer equipment. How much money did Barry earn last year, to the nearest cent? 1.015, 092*0.0305=30,960.306 10. Ali has worked at a fashion magazine for the last 5 years. Her current annual salary is $64,000. When she was hired, she was told that she had four days of paid vacation time. For each year that she worked at the magazine, she would gain another three days of paid vacation time to a maximum of 26 days. How many paidShow MoreRelatedManagement Accounting and Finance Test1249 Words   |  5 PagesTEMASEK POLYTECHNIC SCHOOL OF BUSINESS MANAGEMENT ACCOUNTING FINANCE (BAF2016) AY 2011/12 MID-SEM TEST OCTOBER SEMESTER Name:___________________________________ Tutorial Class:____ Admission No. __________________________ Seat No:____ TIME ALLOWED: 1 HOUR READING TIME: 10 MINUTES TOTAL: 40 MARKS Instructions: 1. Do not turn the page over until instructed to do so. 2. This paper consists of 5 printed pages (excluding cover page). 3. AnswerRead MoreDifferent Stages Of A Life Cycle1668 Words   |  7 PagesCOMPARISON OF THE FORMAL AND AGILE APPROACHES TO SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT, UNIT 11 Sophie Pritchard CONTENTS Introduction 3 Different stages of a life-cycle 4 The formal approach: 4 the waterfall approach: 4 The Agile approach: 7 Prototyping: 7 Conclusion 9 INTRODUCTION A system is created to solve problems, for example, work out someone’s wages. The systems approach can be said to be an organised way of dealing and solving the problem. 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This study is organized in the countries of Chile, Malaysia, and Thailand by applying the Toda Yamanoto test .In this study time –series data is used from 1969- 2000.The objective to use the test of Toda Yamanoto 1) by looking the determinants of FDI. 2) The causality between the two variables. The unit root is test ADF and co integration methods (Johnsen’s test) are also applied.FDI has positive impact on the GDP but it depend on the trade regime degree of openness and human capitalRead MoreStudent s Strengths And Weaknesses1204 Words   |  5 PagesOn October 23, 2014, Wayne High School sophomores traveled to the campus of Wayne State College in order to take the ASPIRE test. The ASPIRE test shows a student’s strengths and weaknesses in core academic areas. For example, I am strong in the area of English and weaker in Science. Furthermo re, the ASPIRE test predicts a student’s likely ACT score. ACT scores are used for a college admission and to award scholarships; my predicted ACT scores shows that I am above average. Indeed, the ACT scoreRead MoreThe Issues Of The And Organizations Are Made With Limited Resources1343 Words   |  6 PagesQuestion 1) The pervasive issue of need suggests that every overall population must pick among choice occupations of its obliged resources. Society has quite recently so much work, capital, zone, and endeavor that can be used to satisfy the unfathomable needs and needs of its people. This decision making handle, more by and large termed part, is dense by the three request: What? How? For Whom? What? The fundamental question firm chairman must answer is: What stock and organizations are madeRead MoreEmployment and Public Contracts Act1143 Words   |  5 Pages1. Which Act sets the minimum wage , and what is the current wage rate? The Fair Labor Standards Act sets the minimum wage.The current minimum wage is $7.25/h. 2. Under the FLSA, what information concerning the employees wages earned must be maintained by the employer? 1. Day and time of day when work-week begins. 2. Regular hourly rate of pay. 3. Basis of wage payments 4. Hours worked each day 5. Hours worked each week. 6. Daily or weekly straight -time pay. 7. Amount natureRead MoreEssay about Study Guide1344 Words   |  6 PagesCOMPANY BACKGROUND: EasyFind manufactures and sells golf balls. The company is conducting a price test to find a better price point. Presently their golf balls sell for $19 per dozen. Their current volume is 5,470 dozen per month. They are considering reducing their sales price by 20% per dozen. QUESTION 1: What are EasyFinds total current revenues per month? $19 * 5,470 = $103,930 [+/- $3,118] Total Revenues = Price * Volume QUESTION 2: If EasyFinds variable costs are $10 per dozen, what